Re:Re:Re:Jaliové - lidé za hřebeny hor (Papua)
04. 10. 2006, 11:29:35
papuanec
Martine, ty jsi ale frajer. Dlouhodobe vedecke vyzkumy tvrdi naprosty opak "Tve" zpravy. Toto je z Indigenous World 2006:
WEST PAPUA
West Papua covers the western part of the world’s second largest
island, New Guinea, bordering the independent nation of Papua
Niugini (Papua New Guinea). Around 240 different indigenous
peoples live in West Papua, each with its own language and culture
closely related to those of the peoples in Papua Niugini.
In the late 19th century, West Papua became a Dutch colony while
the British controlled the northern and the German the southern parts
of the eastern half of the island. After World War II, the eastern half
was administered by Australia, and gained independence in 1975. The
Dutch government also recognized the Papuan peoples’ right to selfdetermination
according to article 73 of the Charter of the United Nations,
and made preparations for West Papua’s independence. Indonesia,
however, laid claim to West Papua, arguing that it was part of the
Dutch colonial territory. In an agreement between the Netherlands and
Indonesia, ratified by the UN General Assembly on 21 September 1962,
the Netherlands was to leave West New Guinea and transfer authority
first to a United Nations Temporary Executive Authority (UNTEA)
and then, on 1 May 1963, to Indonesia. The Papuans were never consulted.
The Agreement stipulated that the Papuans had the right to
self-determination and that they would, within six years, and in a free
and fair manner, determine whether they wanted to remain under Indonesian
control or not. Indonesia, however, immediately established
tight military control of West Papua and, in 1969, in a staged “referendum”,
1,022 hand-picked people out of a population of one million
were made to publicly declare loyalty to Indonesia. The international
community turned a blind eye on this fraudulent “referendum”.
Ever since then, the Indonesian government has maintained a
strong military presence and has suppressed with brutal force any attempts
of the West Papuan people to assert their right to self-determi266
nation. Military operations have above all targeted the West Papuan
resistance movement, the Organisasi Papua Merdeka (OPM - Free Papua
Movement), founded in 1965. At least 100,000 Papuans have been
killed and many more dispossessed and displaced by one of the most
brutal colonial regimes the world has ever seen.
Resource extraction and resettlement
The Indonesian government is extracting West Papua’s natural resources
on a large scale. Its forests are plundered and mineral deposits
exploited without any consultation of the indigenous communities,
and without any benefits flowing back to them. By means of a statesponsored
transmigration program that started in the 1970s, the Indonesian
government has resettled up to 10,000 families annually from
Java and other parts of Indonesia. In addition to this, an unknown
number of people have migrated on their own to West Papua. It has
been estimated that over 750,000 Indonesians have settled in West Papua,
now making up over 30% of the total population of 2.2 million. It
is feared that the Papuans will eventually become a minority in their
own land. Resource extraction and resettlement have resulted in dispossession
and numerous large-scale conflicts between the Papuans
and the Indonesian army.
Indigenous peoples’ survival threatened
Massive violations of human rights have been reported ever since West
Papua was occupied by Indonesia.1 The most recent comprehensive
report was launched on 18 August 2005 by the University of Sydney’s
Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies and Elsham, the Institute for Human
Rights Study and Advocacy, based in Jayapura, West Papua.2
Entitled “Genocide in West Papua? The role of the Indonesian state
apparatus and a current needs assessment of the Papuan people”, the
report documents the ongoing human rights abuses, systematic violence,
including rape, torture and destruction of property in the West
Papuan territory, occupied and claimed by Indonesia as one of its own
provinces. In the authors’ own words, it
details a series of concerns which, if not acted upon, may pose serious
threats to the survival of the indigenous people of the Indonesian province
of Papua. It covers the threats posed by the Indonesian military to the
province’s stability, the recent increase in large scale military campaigns
which are decimating highland tribal communities, the HIV/AIDS explosion
and persistent Papuan underdevelopment in the face of a rapid and
threatening demographic transition in which the Papuans face becoming
a minority in their own land.3
Militarization
The report analyses in detail the role of the Indonesian security apparatus
in West Papua and comes to the unambiguous conclusion that
the Indonesian armed forces are the main source of suffering and instability
in the province.4
A ‘culture of impunity’ exists in Indonesia which sees its highest manifestation
currently in Papua and Aceh. Military operations have led to thousands
of deaths in Papua and continue to cost lives, yet the Republic’s
armed forces act as a law unto themselves with no real accountability for
crimes against the Papuan population. The report discusses a number of
areas of Indonesian security forces’ involvement, including: illegal logging
and corrupt infrastructure and construction work; destabilization and manipulation
of local politics, and orchestration of attacks blamed on pro-Papuan
independence groups; the introduction of illegal arms and militia
training and recruitment; and prostitution and the spread of HIV/AIDS.5
The deployment of 15,000 additional troops is planned for the period
2005 to 2009, which will bring troop presence up to between 45,000 and
50,000.6 It is part of the armed forces’ plan to set up a new division of
elite troops in West Papua. Most of these will be stationed in the border
area with Papua Niugini.
A new apartheid?
In their second chapter, the authors compare the restrictions on freedom
of movement imposed by the Indonesian state to the system of
apartheid in South Africa during the era before democratic elections
and self-rule. Restrictions include the difficulty of free movement due
to arbitrary acts on the part of the security apparatus, the requirement
to have a travel permit when traveling to one’s home village; arbitrary
detention without charge for unspecified and often lengthy periods;
Papuans who are members of the Indonesian army sometimes do not
receive arms; Papuans often have to wait years to get a job while newcomers
easily obtain one.
The demographic transition
As mentioned above, the Indonesian state has for decades been encouraging
and sponsoring large-scale migration to West Papua. OffiAUSTRALIA
cially, the migration program is a national government policy to develop
West Papua and peripheral regions. The report however states
that it leads to
a sharp inequity between migrants and locals. Papuans are becoming a
minority in their homeland, unable to compete and being further stressed.
Official transmigration programs and spontaneous migration alike have
led to a rapid increase of the non-Papuan population in Papua, outstripping
the Papuans, especially in district towns like Jayapura, which is
immediately apparent in areas like shopping centres.7
In transmigration areas, local communities lose their traditional
land rights. One example given is Arso district in Keerom region. In
1970, the population numbered no more than 1,000. By 2000, it had
reached around 20,000 and Papuans had become a marginalized
minority.8
At the same time, low health standards and the bleak state of local
clinics, which are ineffective, under-equipped and lack trained staff,
result in high mortality rates among the Papuan population. Furthermore,
HIV/AIDS cases in Papua are rapidly increasing. The report
concludes that a “sustained, intensive, regular publicity program is
needed on the dangers of HIV/AIDS and how to prevent it. HIV/AIDS
will impact severely on the population growth and productive lives of
Papuans.”9
Failure of Special Autonomy
The report notes no noticeable progress with respect to the granting
of Special Autonomy as set out in the Special Autonomy Law of 2001.
Since the new government under President Yudhoyono came to power
in 2004, however, even mere symbols of Papuan nationalism, such
as the Morning Star flag and national anthem, have been denied once
more. Furthermore, the government’s proposal for an all-Papuan upper
house of the local parliament has greatly diluted the powers envisaged
for it in 2001, and provides for only 42 representatives. It is
utterly cynical that the Special Autonomy funds of the central government
should be used for military operations.10
At its Congress on 4 February 2005, the Papuan Customary Council
(Dewan Adat Papua, sometimes also referred to as the Papuan Tribal
Council) gave August 15 as the deadline for correcting the deficiencies
in the Special Autonomy Law. Dissatisfaction with the law
culminated in the council organizing demonstrations in many areas
of West Papua, demanding that the West Papuan provincial government
reject the unimplemented “special autonomy” offered by central
government. Between 15,000 and 20,000 people demonstrated in
the provincial capital, Jayapura, in support of the Papuan Customary
Council.11
Human rights violations
According to the report, the human rights situation has deteriorated
further over the last two years.
Particularly destructive have been the series of military operations which
began in the Kiyawage area in 2003, then in the Puncak Jaya region in
2004/05 and since January 2005 in the Tolikara regency. According to the
results of an investigation released by the Baptist Church of Papua in
May 2005, military operations such as these have been cynically engineered
by the TNI [the Indonesian armed forces, ed.].
Apart from the operations making large numbers of people homeless and
leading to scores of deaths, the impacts have been exacerbated by poor
delivery of aid to the refugee communities. Yet the siphoning off of Special
Autonomy funds to the military to conduct these same operations, money
that was targeted to help the communities through health and education
projects, has made a tragic situation doubly evil.12
In September 2004, Law 27 was passed, providing for the establishment
of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission by the Indonesian
government. The authors of the report feel that President Yudohyono
is trying to resolve the human rights violations of the past in a reconciliatory
atmosphere but that “if no justice is served for the crimes in
Papua there could be a feeling of betrayal and profound disappointment,
compounding the lack of trust in Papua for Jakarta.”13
Recommendations
The authors of the report conclude with the following recommendations:
• Indonesia to immediately commence demilitarization of the Papuan
highlands, ending military campaigns and human rights
abuses, which have included extrajudicial killings, rape, torture,
arson, destruction and theft of property.
• Indonesia to cancel plans to deploy 15,000 additional troops to
Papua. Existing troops should be transferred from military security
operations against civilians to civil projects aimed at improving
provincial infrastructure.
• An international agency (such as the International Commission
of Jurists or Transparency International) to investigate the operation
and funding of the Special Autonomy Law in Papua,
including allegations by the Baptist Church of Papua concerning
misappropriation of Special Autonomy funds by the Indonesian
Army.
• An independent commission to inquire into the operation and
funding of the Special Autonomy Law.
• The UN Refugee Agency to request immediate access to the Papuan
highlands to assess the humanitarian needs of internally
displaced persons who have been forced to flee their homes and
villages as a result of army operations, especially in the Puncak
Jaya region.
• Indonesia to grant access to UN mechanisms and international
parliamentary and human rights delegations to report on the
human rights situation in Papua.
• Indonesia to request international assistance in the investigation
of crimes allegedly linked to pro-independence groups.14
Notes
1 Source for the paragraphs above: West Papua Action home page (http://westpapuaaction.
buz.org/); West Papua Information Kit (http://www.cs.utexas.
edu/users/cline/papua/); Mines & Communities website (http://www.minesandcommunities.
org/Company/freeport6.htm); and J. Wing and P. King 2005
(see below).
2 Wing, John, and Peter King, 2005: Genocide in West Papua? The role of the Indonesian
state apparatus and a current needs assessment of the Papuan people. The West
Papua Project, Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies, University of Sydney, and
ELSHAM Jayapura, Papua. The report is the result of research carried out by the
authors during the years 2003 to 2005. It can be downloaded at http://www.
arts.usyd.edu.au/centres/cpacs/wpp.htm
3 Ibid. p. v
4 Ibid. p. 2
5 Ibid. p. v
6 Tani Amemori, 2005: West Papua military build-up threatens Land of Peace. West-
Pan. Canada’s West Papua Action Network.
http://www.westpapua.ca/?q=en/node/399
7 Ibid. p. 16
8 Ibid.
9 Ibid.
10 Ibid. pp. 13 and 19
11 Irian News 10/19/05 (Part 1 of 2). http://www.kabar-irian.com/pipermail/
kabar-irian/2005-October/000714 .html
12 Ibid. p. 19
13 Ibid. p. 14
14 Ibid. p. 25
Odpovědět
